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In both 1961 and 1980 medications elderly should not take cheap clopidogrel 75mg, the military cited these concerns to justify its interventions in South rity threat - Korean politics x medications cheap 75mg clopidogrel. Peacetime infiltration by North Korean agents was a fact of life in South Korea after the armistice in 1953 medications journal buy clopidogrel 75mg. There were symptoms rheumatoid arthritis safe 75 mg clopidogrel, however, clear shifts both in the number and method of infiltrations over the years and in their goals. From the mid-1970s to the early 1980s, most North Korean infiltration was done by heavily armed reconnaissance teams, which increasingly were intercepted and neutralized by South Korean security forces. North Korea did not abandon President violence, however, as abortive 1982 attempt to recruit was shown by the Canadian criminals to assassinate the 1983 Rangoon assassination atSouth Korean government officials and four Burmese dignitaries, and the 1987 destruction of a Korean Air airliner with 115 people on board. In the airliner bombing, North Korea broke from its pattern of targeting South Korean Chun Doo Hwan, killed seventeen tempt that government officials, in particular the president, and targeted or- dinary citizens. North Korean propaganda concentrated on weakening the soand sowing discord between the South Korean government and the population. Indirectly, North Korea sought to turn dissident elements within South Korean society into propagandists and agitators who would undermine the government. North Korean coverage of dissident activity in the south was on occasion so timely and accurate as to lead some members of the South Korean government to believe that dissent in the south was directed from the north. However, despite similarities between North Korean propaganda and dissident statements, South Korean security agencies never convincingly established a direct connection between the dissidents and the north, although in the late 1980s some elements among dissident groups increasingly used Marxist-Leninist cial fabric 304 Armed Courtesy Forces Day parade Embassy of the Republic of Korea, Washington language and North Korean political themes (see Political Extre- mism and Political Violence, ch. As the communists entrenched themselves in the north and right-of-center politicians emerged in control in the south, the possibility for peaceful unification of the peninsula disappeared. In the strikes autumn of 1946, a series of unorchestrated leftist-led labor and rural peasant rebellions were suppressed by the fledgling Korean National Police after some 1,000 deaths and 30,000 arrests. However, the law was so comprehensive and vague that it could be used against any opposition group. Guerrilla warfare continued until the end of 1949, coupled with skirmishing along the thirty-eighth parallel. Recollection of this chaotic period and the invasion from North Korea colored subsequent South Korean government attitudes toward internal left, security. Although the regime did not suppress all opposition or independent sources of information, it suppressed some organized opposition and criticism (see the Media, ch. In the late 1950s, as Rhee became more authoritarian, the government increasingly resorted to using the police force and, to a lesser extent, the military security forces, for political purposes. The police, with a strong core of veterans from the Japanese colonial police (approximately 70 percent of the highest ranking officers, 40 percent of the inspectors, and 15 percent of the lieutenants), was both effective and feared. The police used strong-arm tactics to coerce support for the ruling party during elections and harassed the po- the Ministry litical opposition. The prerogative of the police to for questioning was a powerful stances inevitably led to call in anyone these circumpolice corruption, politicized law enforce- tool of intimidation. When police control wavered at the time of the April 19 student revolution in April 1960, his regime fell. The short-lived Chang Myon government (July 1960 to May 1961) did not survive long enough to articulate an internal security policy but was committed to a more open political system. However, because of internal conflict within the ruling party and the obstructions of the conservative opposition, society ical was in a state of polit- and social turmoil. The relationship between the police and general public, however, was not significantly altered. As Se-Jin Kim wrote in 1971: "The former still act with arbitrary arrogance; the latter respond with fear but not respect. The government often used martial law or garrison decree in response to political unrest. The October 15, 1971, garrison decree, for example, was triggered by student protests and resulted in the arrest of almost 2,000 students. In November the yusin con- which greatly increased ratified by referendum under martial law. The Park regime strengthened the originally draconian National Security Act of 1960 and added an even more prohibitive Anticommunism Law.

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Third Country Arms Sales Regulation and the South Korean Defense Industry: Supplier Control and Recipient Dilemma treatment pancreatitis safe 75mg clopidogrel. Pacific Air Forces Modernization: Revitalization Effort Sparked by New Theater Defense Concepts medications for depression order clopidogrel 75mg," Aviation Week and Space Technology symptoms 8-10 dpo best 75mg clopidogrel, February 7 medicine 3605 75mg clopidogrel, 1983, 4 Kwang H. Bulletin, 87, "Korean Political Transition," Department of State April 1987, 19-21. The Political and Social Capabilities of North and South Korea for the Long-Term Military Competition. The Great-Power Triangle and Asian SecuLexington, Massachusetts: Lexington Books, 1983. Report of the Secretary General: Consideration of Effective Measures to Enhance the Protection, Security and Safety of Diplomatic and Consular Missions and Representatives. Subcommittee on Human Rights and International Organizations and Subcommittee on Asian and Pacific Affairs. Marxism- Leninism to the North Korean experience based on autonomy and self-reliance. Demarcation Line - Established under the Korean armistice agree- ment of 1953; marks the actual cease-fire line between South Korea and North Korea. Five Relationships the Confucian concept of ideal social relationships, formulated by classical Chinese philosophers such fiscal - - Mencius (372-289 B. The total value of all final (con- sumption and investment) goods and services produced by an in a given period, usually a year. These loans frequently carry conditions that require substantial internal economic adjustments by the recipients, most of which are developing countries. There are eight mainland provinces and one island province in the Republic of Korea. The three institu- tions are owned by states the governments of the countries that sub- scribe their capital. See chaebol businesses: contribution of, to gross national product, 174; financing of, 155; under Japanese pottery, 15-16; sculpture, 15; tomb paintings, 15, 123 artists, 16 Asia Motors, 296 Asiana Airlines, 182 Asia-Pacific News Network, 249 Association for government assistance to , 174-75; government discrimination among, 97; under Park, 43; relationship of, with government, 235; small and mediumsized, 174-75; wages in, 174; working in Korean Residents conditions in, 174 Japan. See Mindan bus system, 181 Association of Journalists Dismissed in 1980, 236 Association of Korean Journalists, 236 associations, xxxii-xxxiii, 170, 200, cabinet. See of, 44, 189; exports by, 144, 162, 189; ers in, 161-62; National Teachers Union fertiliz- government emphasis on, 142, 144; growth in, 144; imports B. Democratic Party See North Korea Chang, 145; under under Chun, 59; under droughts, 75 See Democratic Republican Party drug abuse, 130, 325 Japanese rule, 21-22, 29; postwar, 36; problems in, 29; purchasing power in, 177; under Roh, 177; under United States occupation, 29-30 education, 114-22; centralized control 115; of, See Defense Security Command due process of law, 243 during Choson Dynasty, influence 114; Christian on, 90; under Chun, Eastern Europe: exports to , 120; Confucian influence on, 257; revolu- 69-70; government expenditure on, tions of 1989 in, xxxiii; ties with, xxxiii, 252; trade with, xxxii, 188, 257 Eastern Learning Movement. Federation of Korean Trade genealogy: counterfeit, 93; destruction of, Unions flooding, 72, 75 folk art, xxvi 93; importance of, 19, 92, 93; for yangban, 92 General Association of Korean Residents Folk Village, xxvi food, 165 footwear industry, 161 Force 868 (special weapons and squad), 321 Force Improvement Plan, 277 in Japan. See Chosen soren General Banking Act (1954), 172 geography: coastlines, 70-72; influence tactics of, on ethnic identity, 3, 5 Foreign Affairs Research Institute, 251 foreign aid, 36, 183-86, 188; from Japan, product Golanov, Vladimir, 258 Gorbachev, Mikhail S. See yakuza Japanese Imperial Army, 243, 274 7, 189; "unequal treaty" xxiv; Japanese occupation, xxiv, 14-15, 20-24, 323; art under, 22; assimilation policy under, 23-24, 110; business associations under, 234; cultural repression 390 Index under, 23; development of infrastructure under, 94, 139; diet under, 22; justices, of, Supreme Court: appointments 210, 329; chief, 328; term for, 210 economy under, ing, 201, 243; 21-22; education under, 114; government in exile dur- human rights ideas in, Kabo Reforms (1894-95), 94, 323 243; industrial development under, 95; Kaebyok (Creation), 126, 246 kaehwa. See Korea Electric Power Corporation role of Nordpolitik in, 259; in Seoul Olympics, 259, 271; trade deficit and, 259 Japan Export-Import Bank, 150 Japan Socialist Party, 259-60 Jilin Province, 260, Khubilai Khan, 8 Kia Machine Tool, 296 Kia Motors, 160 274 Jindo, 189 jip. See Korean language Latin America, 189 traditional purpose of, 100; rights in, 105, 107; Ledyard, Gari K. See ethnic identity management under Rhee, 276; role of, xxxvii, 202, minjung (the masses), 99, 121 279-81; schools, 274, 289-90; security regulations, 290; spending, xxxviii; status of, 20, 96, 272, 273; surveillance in, xxxviii; in Minjung Culture Movement 236 minorities, 75 Association, Three Kingdoms period, Molotov cocktails, 226, 241, 242; penal- 271-72; troops, 32, 269; uniforms, 293; ties for using, 227 weapons, xxxviii Military Armistice Commission, 301 xl, 276, Military Installation Protection Law, 279 military installations: living conditions on, 280, 290; relocation of, 280 monarchy: weakness of, 19 Monetary Board, 172 Mongol Empire, 8, 272 Mongols; invasion of Koryo by, 8, 272 Moon, Sun Myong (Rev. See shamans minhwa painting, 16 mining, 29, 162 Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries, xxix Mun Ik-hwan, 262, 263 (King), 272 See Munjong Mun Son-myong. See New Korea Democratic Party Nonaligned Movement, 264 National Constabulary, 274 National Council of Labor Unions (Chon- Nippon nohyop), 238 National Council of Trade Unions, 238 National Defense College, 291 Nationalist Party. See filial piety Wang Kon, 7 Washington Times, 127 weapons: acquisition of new, 271, 295; coproduced, 160, 286, 295; domestically produced, 160, 295-96 yakuza. See Federal Republic of 273; entry into, 20; families, 91-92; honorary, 92; under Japanese occupation, 94; neo-Confucianism and, 89; requirements for, 92; vir- power of, 20; tues, 77; women, 105-6 Germany wholesale trade, 171 Yellow Sea, 72 Yen, 4 role Wickham, John A. Rather than put a trademark symbol after every occurrence of a trademarked name, we use names in an editorial fashion only, and to the benefit of the trademark owner, with no intention of infringement of the trademark.

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Police also had wide discretion over treatment of participants in illegal demonstrations treatment meaning trusted 75 mg clopidogrel, determining whether a given participant was to be charged with sponsoring an illegal demonstration medicine 257 quality clopidogrel 75mg, which carried the threat of a seven-year prison term symptoms 5 weeks into pregnancy clopidogrel 75 mg, or with varying degrees of participation medicine 93 best clopidogrel 75 mg, which could be punished as a misdemeanor or even with a simple warning. Police had on occasion taken actions under the law to prevent persons from attending meetings that the police believed were "likely to breed social unrest. However, Seoul used the law not only against espionage or sabotage, but also to control and punish domestic dissent, such as the publication of unorthodox political commentary, art, or literature, on the grounds that such expressions benefited an "antistate organization. Ordinary procedural protections of the Code of Criminal Procedure were not provided for defendants for offenses under this law. There was a surge in prosecutions for various offenses under the National Security Act in 1989, despite continuing talk of amending the law to facilitate broader contacts 245 South Korea: A Country Study with the north. They were often critical of the government, zealously protesting any attempts at press censorship. At annexation in 1910, the Japanese governor general assumed direct control of the press along with other public institutions. Following the March First 1919, Japanese authorities loosened their overt control over cultural activities and permitted several Korean newspapers to function while maintaining some behind-the-scenes direction over politically sensitive topics. During the 1920s, Korean vernacular newspapers, such as Tonga ilbo (East Asia Daily), and intellectual journals, such as Kaebyok (Creation), conducted running skirmishes with Japanese censors. Japanese authorities pro- Movement in hibited sales of individual issues on hundreds of occasions between 1926 and 1932. Following the period of the United States Army Military Government in Korea (1945-48), which saw a burgeoning of newspapers and periodicals of every description as well as occasional censorship of the media, almost all subsequent South Korean governments have at times attempted to control the media. Rhee lishers moderate newspapers and arrested reporters and pubon numerous occasions between 1948 and 1960. The Park government also used the Press Ethics Commission Law 246 " Government and Politics of 1964 and, after 1972, emergency decrees that penalized criticism of the government to keep the media in line. During the Park and Chun years, the government exercised considerable control and surveillance over the media through the tion to the comprehensive National Security Act. In late 1980, the Chun government established more thorough control of the news media than had existed in South Korea since the Korean War. In addition, the Defense Security Command, then commanded by Roh Tae Woo, and the Ministry of Culture and Information ordered hundreds of South Korean journalists fired and banned from newspaper writing or editing. The guidelines dealt exhaustively with questions of emphasis, topics to be covered or avoided, the use of government press releases, and even the size of headlines. Enforcement methods ranged from telephone calls to editors to more serious forms of intimidation, including interrogations and beatings by police. One former Ministry of Culture and Information official told a National Assembly hearing in 1988 that compliance during his tenure from 1980 to 1982 reached about 70 percent. By the mid-1980s, censorship of print and broadcast media had become one of the most widely and publicly criticized practices of the Chun government. Assembly the political liberalization of the late of press restraints and a incident. Seoul papers expanded their coverage and resumed the practice of stationing correspondents in provincial cities. The number of periodicals rose as the government removed restrictions on the publishing industry (see Transportation and Telecommunications, ch. The began to broadcast Christian Broadcasting System, a radio network, again news as well as religious programming in 1987. In the same year, the government partially lifted a long-standing ban on the works of North Korean artists and musicians, many of whom were of South Korean origin. Many of the new weekly and monthly periodicals bypassed the higher profits of the traditional general circulation magazines to provide careful analyses of political, economic, and national security affairs to smaller, specialized audiences. Observers noted a dramatic increase in press coverage of previously taboo subjects such as political-military relations, factions within the military, the role of security agencies in politics, and the activities of dissident organizations. Opinion polls dealing with these and other sensitive issues also began to appear with increasing regularity. Journalists at several of the Seoul dailies organized trade unions in late 1987 and early 1988 and began to press for editorial autonomy and a greater role in newspaper management.

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Political cartoonists could easily latter practice symptoms before period generic clopidogrel 75mg, make light of the probably because it had been many years since the votes of South Koreans symptoms flu 75mg clopidogrel, even in rural areas illness and treatment 75 mg clopidogrel, had been swayed by simple gifts such as a bowl of rice wine or a pair of rubber shoes medications pictures safe clopidogrel 75mg. One candidate seemed to sum up the prevailing attitude in remarks at a mid-November rally: "If they give you money, take it. If they 218 Government and Politics take you to Mount Sorak for sightseeing, then have a nice jour- ney. In one working class district in Seoul, for example, election observers seized two ballot boxes being surreptitiously brought in to a polling station on the morning of the election. The government, which removed the observers by force two days later, claimed that the boxes contained absentee ballots, but had no explanation for why they were delivered in commercial trucks carrying fruit, bread, and other consumer goods. Conversely, few election observers commented on the intimidating effect no less on potential voters than on candidates of acts of violence that repeatedly occurred against all major candidates. Candidates were forced to hire phalanxes of bodyguards with plastic shields for protection against flying objects and often were made - - to cut short public speeches during appearances in regional strongit holds of other candidates. Extravagant claims of wholesale manipulation in the computerized vote tabulation were made difficult to assess by the failure of those who had made such charges to present convincing evidence. Claims of election rigging also were undercut at the time by the continued insistence of both the Kim Dae Jung and Kim Young Sam camps that their candidate was the one to whom the election rightfully should have gone. Protests continued against election irregularities but were accompanied by increasing criticism of the two major opposition leaders for their failure to produce a unified candidacy that could have defeated the government party candidate. 0 Under the heading of "Liquidating the Legacy of the Fifth Republic," the opposition parties of Kim Dae Jung and Kim Young Sam sought to investigate corruption in the Fifth Republic, to reexamine the Kwangju incident, and, as well, demanded the release of all political detainees and the reform of numerous laws that had been used to control nonviolent political activity and free expression. These individuals included more than 8,800 civil servants and officers of state corporations as well as several dozen senior military officers (from the army chief of staff down), who had lost both ranks and pensions. Korean stu- Some activist students hoped to establish firmer contacts with farmers and the growing labor movement, while at the violenceprone fringe of the radical student movement others planned to continue to dramatize their grievances through arson attacks against United States and South Korean government facilities (see Political Extremism and Political Violence, this ch. Still other dissidents planned to continue demonstrating against the Roh government out of conviction that it was a simple continuation of the previous militarized regimes. Another commitment, to appoint members of the opposition parties to cabinet posts, was not met when the two major parties failed to propose names for consideration. Negotiations among the major political parties promptly began over amending the National Assembly Election Law, one of the major political issues left unresolved in the 1987 Constitution. At 221 South Korea: A Country Study stake were two variables: the size of the electoral districts and the degree of proportionality. In a manner reminiscent of the tactics of the Park Chung Hee era, the ruling party took advantage of its legislative majority to pass unilaterally its own draft amendment in a one-minute session held at 2:00 A. The newly amended law reinstated single-member electoral districts, last used in the general election of 1970. It also diluted the element of proportionality somewhat by reducing the number of atlarge seats to 75, or about one-fourth of the total of 299, and by more evenly distributing them among the participating parties. According first to most observers, the results of the general election of April 26, 1988, set the stage for a new political drama. For the time in South Korean history, the government party lost its working majority in the legislature. The government party might have made a stronger showing had not Roh, intent upon consplit the antigovernment vote. With 34 percent solidating his control of a party that still contained many holdovers 222 Government and Politics from the Chun period, replaced one-third of incumbent legislanewcomers. Because the new candidates were not able to build up quickly the personal networks necessary for success at the district level, the ruling party in effect gave up one of its strongest campaign assets on the eve of the election. The impact of the new balance of political forces in the National Assembly, characterized by the press asydsoyadae (small ruling power, large opposition power), quickly became evident. Even before the thirteenth National Assembly convened in late May 1988, the floor leaders of the government and opposition parties met to agree upon procedures and these four- way talks to discuss the release of political prisoners.

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